Stop Corruption Now Scorecard
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Introduction
The U.S. Constitution created three coequal branches of government to force compromise, enable accountability, and prevent the rise of anything resembling a sovereign ruler. That ideal is now under serious strain.
The 119th Congress has overwhelmingly failed in its constitutional duty to be a coequal branch of government. The majority party controls the congressional agenda and has the power to convene oversight hearings, but it has chosen to not to hold a single one to address President Trump’s myriad conflicts of interest. Instead, it has relentlessly pursued an agenda that enriches the ultra-wealthy, undermines the rule of law, and restricts access to voting. At the same time, it has ignored the everyday needs of American families who are struggling with the rising costs of groceries, gas, utilities, and healthcare.
The Stop Corruption Now scorecard identifies key pieces of legislation that address public corruption, preserve the rule of law, and protect free and fair elections. Some of the most significant pieces of anti-corruption legislation introduced in the 119th Congress include the Restore Trust in Government Act, the Restore Trust in Congress Act, and the Supreme Court Ethics Act. These pieces of legislation are designed to restore public trust by preventing senior officials from holding and trading stock and by requiring the Supreme Court to adopt an enforceable code of conduct. On the opposite side of the same coin is pro-voter legislation. Members of Congress answer to their constituents, and that accountability is the public’s most powerful check on corruption and abuse of power. When eligible voters cannot freely exercise their right to vote, that link is severed, which is why Congress needs to pass bills that protect voting rights and enable full representation.
The scorecard assesses votes taken or bills cosponsored by members of Congress on these and other key pieces of anti-corruption and pro-democracy legislation. Because there were so few votes taken on anti-corruption and democracy-related legislation by the House and the Senate in the 119th Congress, the Stop Corruption Now scorecard included cosponsorships as a metric for showing leadership on democracy issues. Additionally, although other worthy legislation certainly could have been included in this Scorecard, we had to limit its scope and incorporate only a fraction of democracy reform bills introduced in the 119th Congress.
This scorecard is designed to help inform voters about the positions taken by their members of Congress to advance anti-corruption reforms, and highlight which members of Congress are turning a blind eye. When the 120th Congress convenes, it must reassert its authority as a coequal branch of government and serve as a check on President Trump’s vast conflicts of interest and abuses of power by adopting an anti-corruption and pro-democracy platform before it’s too late.
House of Representatives
Votes
The Epstein Files Transparency Act requires the Department of Justice to publish all unclassified records, documents, communications, and investigative materials in DOJ’s possession that relate to the investigation and prosecution of Jeffrey Epstein. Members of Congress who voted in support of this legislation received one point on our scorecard for standing up for public disclosure and transparency.
H.R.6019 repeals the authority for a Senator to bring a civil action against the federal government in pursuit of a previously established $500,000 slush fund. Members of Congress who voted in support of this legislation received one point on our scorecard for stopping the establishment of such a slush fund for select Senators.
The SAVE America Act would require individuals to present documentary proof of citizenship (e.g. passports and official birth certificates) to register to vote. This would create a limiting and burdensome requirement for eligible voters and would increase voter suppression across the country. Members of Congress who voted against this legislation received one point on our scorecard for defending access to the ballot box and protecting safe and secure elections.
Cosponsorship
Because there were so few votes taken on anti-corruption and democracy-related legislation by the House and the Senate in the 119th Congress, the Stop Corruption Now scorecard included cosponsorships as a metric for showing leadership on democracy issues.
The Restore Trust in Government Act would ban Members of Congress, the President, Vice President, and their spouses and dependents from owning or trading stocks.
The Restore Trust in Congress Act would limit the ban to Members of Congress and their family members.
The American public has serious concerns about self-dealing and other forms of corruption by the President, Vice President, and members of Congress who own and trade stocks and other securities while in office. Members of Congress who cosponsored either of these bills (or signed either of the associated discharge petitions) received a point on our scorecard for fighting for meaningful penalties and banning ownership of stocks, bonds, and cryptocurrency for certain public officials.
H.J.Res.108 – Proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States providing that there is no immunity from criminal prosecution for an act on the grounds that such act was within the constitutional authority or official duties of an individual, and providing that the President may not grant a pardon to himself or herself.
H.J.Res.108, also known as the Presidential Accountability Amendment, would clarify that Presidents are not above the law, that they do not have immunity from criminal prosecution for an act on the grounds that such act was within the constitutional authority or official duties of an individual, and they do not have the ability to grant themselves a pardon. This amendment would reverse the Supreme Court’s decision in Trump v. United States to grant presidents immunity from criminal prosecution. Members of Congress who cosponsored this proposed amendment received a point on our scorecard for standing up for Presidential accountability and ensuring no one, not even the President, is above the rule of law.
H.J.Res.54, H.J.Res.119, H.J.Res.121, and H.J.Res.122 would overturn and address the impacts of the Supreme Court’s destructive Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission by clarifying the rights of corporations, prohibiting corporate spending in the political process, setting reasonable limits on the raising and spending of money in elections, enacting public campaign financing systems, and requiring public disclosure of permissible contributions. Members of Congress who cosponsored any of these four amendments received a point on our scorecard for their commitment to anti-corruption and safeguarding our elections.
The DISCLOSE Act would shine a light on secret political spending by requiring additional disclosures of campaign expenditures and certain political advertisements. Members of Congress who cosponsored this legislation received one point on our scorecard for their support of increased transparency in campaign finance.
The Supreme Court Ethics, Recusal, and Transparency Act and the Supreme Court Tenure Establishment and Retirement Modernization (TERM) Act would establish enforceable ethics guardrails and term limits for the Supreme Court, respectively. Members of Congress who cosponsored either of these bills received a point on our scorecard for ensuring that Supreme Court Justices are not above the law and subject to enforceable ethics criteria.
The John R. Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act would establish new criteria for determining which states and political subdivisions must obtain preclearance from the Department of Justice before making legal changes that would affect voting rights. This bill builds on the legacy of the former Congressman and voting rights champion John Lewis by protecting access to the ballot for communities that may otherwise be subjected to undue voter suppression tactics across the country. Members of Congress who cosponsored this bill received a point on our scorecard for their efforts to safeguard voting rights and protect free and fair elections.
The Washington, D.C. Admission Act would establish U.S. statehood for Washington, D.C. Without statehood, D.C. lacks fair and adequate representation in Congress. Members of Congress who cosponsored this bill received a point on our scorecard for their efforts to grant representation and voting rights to D.C. residents.
Scores by House Member
Senate
Votes
The GENIUS Act establishes a regulatory framework for payment stablecoins. It was signed into law by President Trump in July 2025. Unfortunately, this legislation failed to include ethics guardrails for government officials or adequate consumer protections. Trump made over $1.4 billion dollars from cryptocurrency alone in 2025. This legislation enables cryptocurrency corruption and profiting by government officials. Senators who opposed this initial procedural vote on this legislation received a point on our scorecard for fighting for enforceable regulation of cryptocurrency to prevent loopholes and conflicts of interest.
The SAVE America Act would require individuals to present documentary proof of citizenship (e.g. passports and official birth certificates) to register to vote. This would create a burdensome requirement for eligible voters and would increase voter suppression across the country. A version of the legislation has passed the House of Representatives. Senators who voted against this legislation received one point on our scorecard for defending access to the ballot box and protecting safe and secure elections.
This amendment to the SAVE America Act would establish overly burdensome ID requirements for eligible voters thereby increasing voter suppression across the country. Senators who opposed this amendment to the SAVE Act received one point on our scorecard for defending access to the ballot box and protecting safe and secure elections.
A motion to commit is a formal proposal to send a bill or resolution back to the committee that reported it. This motion to commit S.2 would have formally halted the creation of Donald Trump’s illegal $1.776 billion dollar so-called “Anti-Weaponization Fund.” This fund could be used to payout violent January 6 insurrectionists who were subsequently pardoned by President Trump. Though the motion was unsuccessful, Senators who supported it received one point on our scorecard for attempting to stop this transparent act of corruption and gross misuse of taxpayer dollars.
This amendment would prevent taxpayer funded government payouts through Donald Trump’s illegal $1.776 billion dollar so-called “Anti-Weaponization Fund” to insurrectionists convicted of assaulting law enforcement officers on January 6, 2021. This settlement is a blatant display of the Trump Administration’s corruption and disregard for the rule of law, and has already been deemed “collusive” by a federal district court judge and by numerous former judges. Though this amendment was ultimately unsuccessful due to Trump-aligned Senators who refused to defend taxpayer dollars, Senators who supported it received one point on our scorecard for their attempts to rein in this corrupt abuse of power.
Cosponsorship
Because there were so few votes taken on anti-corruption and democracy-related legislation by the House and the Senate in the 119th Congress, the Stop Corruption Now scorecard included cosponsorships as a metric for showing leadership on democracy issues.
The Supreme Court Ethics, Recusal, and Transparency Act and the Supreme Court Ethics Act would require the Supreme Court to adopt a binding, enforceable code of conduct and establish an investigative framework for ethics complaints. Senators who cosponsored either of these bills received a point on our scorecard for ensuring that Supreme Court Justices are not above the law and subject to enforceable ethics criteria.
S.J.Res.43 – A joint resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States relating to contributions and expenditures intended to affect elections, and
S.J.Res.78 – A joint resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States relating to the authority of Congress and the States to regulate contributions and expenditures intended to affect elections and to enact public financing systems for political campaigns.
S.J.Res.43 and S.J.Res.78 address the impacts of the Supreme Court’s destructive Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission by clarifying the right of Congress to make laws prohibiting corporate spending in the political process, setting reasonable limits on the raising and spending of money in elections, and enacting public campaign financing systems. Senators who cosponsored either of these two amendments received a point on our scorecard for their commitment to anti-corruption and safeguarding our elections.
The DISCLOSE Act would shine a light on secret political spending by requiring additional disclosures of campaign expenditures and certain political advertisements. Senators who cosponsored this legislation received one point on our scorecard for their support of increased transparency in campaign finance.
The John R. Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act would establish new criteria for determining which states and political subdivisions must obtain preclearance from the Department of Justice before making legal changes that would affect voting rights. This bill builds on the legacy of the former Congressman and voting rights champion John Lewis by protecting access to the ballot for communities that may otherwise be subjected to undue voter suppression tactics across the country. Senators who cosponsored this bill received a point on our scorecard for their efforts to safeguard voting rights and protect free and fair elections.
The Washington, D.C. Admission Act would establish U.S. statehood for Washington, D.C. Without statehood, D.C. lacks fair and adequate representation in Congress. Senators who cosponsored this bill received a point on our scorecard for their efforts to grant representation and voting rights to D.C. residents.
Scores by Senate Member
Methodology
This scorecard does not include members of Congress who were in office for less than a year or those who resigned, won special elections due to a mid-term vacancy, or passed away mid-cycle. We did not score delegates and resident commissioners because they are unable to participate in floor votes. We also did not score certain current and former House and Senate leaders since they frequently don’t cosponsor bills and sometimes have to switch their votes for procedural reasons. Members who were absent for a vote, didn’t cosponsor the initial bill, and didn’t publicly indicate how they would’ve voted for a legislative item were counted as a “no.” Several members who missed a vote but publicly indicated in the Congressional Record or otherwise how they would’ve voted received credit for a specific vote. We did not count members who voted “present” for a vote for that specific item. In instances where a member did not cosponsor a scored bill, but introduced separate legislation that included one of the scored bills, they received credit.
Acknowledgements
We greatly appreciate Democracy Defenders Action Co-founder and Executive Board Member Amb. Norm Eisen’s (ret.) leadership and support for this project, as well as strategic advice provided by Executive Director Susan Corke and Chief Operating Officer and General Counsel Sarah Jackel. Many hours of hard work were also spent by Virginia Canter, Stephanie Clegg, Amelia Letson, Gabe Lezra, Jenice Robinson, Marion Steinfels, Shreya Wankhade, and Anna Zell. We are also extremely appreciative of Democracy Defenders Action’s supporters, who continue to sustain our work. We also want to thank the many congressional offices that replied to our scorecard letters and the more than 150 cosponsors who were directly added to scored bills as a result of this process.
If you have feedback on this scorecard or have ideas about what should be included in a future scorecard, please feel free to share feedback with its author Aaron Scherb, chief congressional advisor for Democracy Defenders Action, at aaron-contract@democracydefenders.org.
